How can the European Union and its member countries increase their global reach? How should the EU pursue its interests and values through trade and aid policies? Can European civilian and military capabilities be deployed with greater effectiveness in the world?s conflict zones?
Eine interessengeleite deutsche Europapolitik ersetzt zunehmend die historisch bedingte Symbiose zwischen Deutschland und Europa. Im post-romantischen Europa des 21.Jahrhunderts bestimmt sich Deutschlands Rolle neu – wie viel Europa darf es sein und was ist der Preis von Nicht-Europa?
The Deauville summit involving Sarkozy, Merkel and Medvedev was always likely to be a non-event, beyond the recognition that Europe is now a multipolar continent. Instead we need a new system - an informal trialogue on European security that would keep the EU united, Russia post-imperial and Turkey European.
Britain's defence review is deeply flawed because it is based on a self-deluding picture of the world. It brings to mind the spectacle of the Viking King, Canute, who one thousand years ago commanded the tide to stop on an English beach.
Just possibly, EU defence ministers may have realised that only their personal engagement will ensure co-operation between their military staff. This is vital as European countries look for a way to retain effective security capabilities in an era of shrinking budgets.
Europe is now shifting away from the 'democratic enlargement' paradigm that marked the first decades of the post-Cold War world. The EU needs to search for an alternative vision, engaging Turkey as a regional power and understanding the changes in Russia's perspective as it seeks to modernise.
The meeting of Angela Merkel, Dmitri Medvedev and Nicolas Sarkozy at the French seaside resort of Deauville on Monday 18th has the right agenda - European security - but the wrong actors. A trialogue involving the EU, Russia and Turkey would be the best way to rethink security in Europe.
The New Germany turns twenty this weekend. The country is rightly celebrating unification, and the economic success that has followed. But Berlin seems unable to cope with the new pivotal role in Europe that stems from its success story. Instead of looking for somebody else to write the script for Europe, New Germany needs to take responsibility and help the EU establish a global role.
Das neue Deutschland wächst sichtlich aus dem europäischen Haus heraus. Es profitiert von der EU, will Sie aber nicht führen und sieht sich stattdessen noch in der europäischen Opferrolle. Ist der Preis für Europa wirklich so hoch? Und sind wir nicht der große Nutznießer in der EU?
Waging even one war and winning it is complicated enough. Not to mention waging three different wars and winning them. This is what faces the international forces in Afghanistan. (In English and Spanish)
Barack Obama is addressing the United Nations General Assembly. His approach to the outside world is markedly different from that of George W Bush, but he is certainly not an unconditional believer in the UN. As he deals with domestic pressures, rising powers and challenges like Iran, he is ready to sideline or ignore the UN when he feels it necessary.
The EU is finally looking for coherent ways to organise itself as a powerful actor on the world stage. This is necessary in a multi-polar world of rising powers - but Europe needs to remember that dealing with its challenges at home is a prerequisite for being taken seriously abroad.
If there was ever a moment for defence ministers to pool their efforts and resources, then this is it. Defence budgets across the continent are being severely cut as austerity measures kick in. Ahead of the defence ministers' meeting in Ghent on 23-24 September, Nick Witney points out that the Lisbon Treaty offers defence ministers a ready-made ‘transnational defence cooperation’ device in the form of PESCO – and urges them to use it.
The great engine both of Europe’s economic strength and its political unity is falling out of love with its creation. Some fear that Germany has outgrown Europe - but either way the consequences of German disaffection are profound for both the EU and its other member states.
Tight budgets mean hard choices. For instance, new aircraft carriers would be lovely but they cost a lot. As the UK's Strategic Defence and Security Review reaches its final stages, Nick Witney argues that perhaps it’s time to start sharing with the French.
Europeans need to respect what non-Western powers think, and that includes their militaries. Europe's Asian, African and Latin American counterparts are already playing a more vital role on the world stage; once Europe's defence budget cuts start to bite, this role will only increase.
How well did European foreign policy perform over the last year?
From a major exporter of goods to a major exporter of capital
To Chongqing or Guangdong? China’s big development decision
Instead of lecturing Ukraine the EU must show that it means business
Algeria is at risk of turmoil without EU-backed reform
Learning to deal with a changing Russia under a familiar leader
What price will Europe pay for China's help in rescuing the euro?
The impossible is also necessary if the euro and Europe are to be saved
Spain's election, caught between the euro crisis and Arab revolutions
The EU's role in building accountable societies in North Africa
Building sustainable EU military power at a time of defence cuts
Justin Vaïsse gives an Analysis of US presidential elections
Spravy Pravda reviews ECFR's European Foreign Policy Scorecard 2012
ECFR's Scorecard 2012 appears in a leader article by Svenska Dagbladet
Ulrike Guérot is interviewed about Angela Merkel's handling of the eurocrisis